SRINAGAR: At a time when getting a coveted government job in Jammu and Kashmir seems to be an insurmountable task, it is almost unimaginable to imagine a time when these posts were given out on the streets.
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, who took over as Prime Minister of the region in 1953 after a midnight coup against Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, used to take to the streets to offer job opportunities to people he met.
A remarkable 384-page book titled “Colonizing Kashmir: State-building under Indian Occupation,” authored by Hafsa Kanjwal, a professor at an American university is full of anecdotes that show Bakshi’s generosity as he tried to erase the memory of Abdullah and the demand for a plebiscite from people’s minds.
Sometimes Bakshi did not even bother to find a proper piece of paper when he turned someone out on the street for a government job. He used whatever he had at hand, such as a matchbox or the flap of a cigarette case, to give instructions to department heads for issuing appointment letters.
The book says: “Bakshi would stop young boys and ask them if they were going to school. If they had passed class eight, he would employ them with the government, often writing their appointment on matchboxes and slips of paper.” This well-researched book, whose Indian edition is titled ‘A Fate Written on Matchboxes’, focuses on the decades-long rule of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad.
Although Bakshi is regarded by many in Kashmir as the “greatest traitor” for toppling the Abdullah government and strengthening New Delhi’s rule in Kashmir, his grave near the Shah Hamadan Mosque in the old city of Srinagar remains untouched and without police protection.
This is in stark contrast to Sheikh Abdullah’s grave in Naseem Bagh, near the Hazratbal shrine in Srinagar, which is guarded by the Jammu and Kashmir Police.
According to the book, the 1953 coup that brought Bakshi to power was one of the most important events in the modern history of Kashmir.
“Its aftermath solidified India’s colonial occupation of Kashmir. It denied the people of the state their right to self-determination. But it also led to what is referred to by some as Kashmir’s golden period, marked by increasing development and modernisation and a rise in economic and educational opportunities,” the book says.
Nehru’s demands
In 1952, Nehru demanded that the state’s new Constituent Assembly confirm its controversial accession to India to resolve the long-standing Kashmir issue on the international stage.
Nehru wrote about the character of Kashmiris: “It must not be forgotten that the people of the Kashmir Valley and its neighbourhood, though highly gifted in many ways – in intelligence, in artistry, etc. – are not what you would call a virile people.”
He added: “They are soft and addicted to a simple life… The common people are primarily interested in a few things – honest administration and cheap and sufficient food. If they get that, then they are more or less satisfied.”
Bakshi put Nehru’s words into practice to the letter and in spirit over the next 10 years. On 5 October 1953, the members of the State Constituent Assembly “unanimously expressed their confidence” in Bakshi.
Under Sheikh Abdullah, Kashmir enjoyed greater financial autonomy and rarely accepted funds from the Indian government. To advance its modernisation plans and the goals of the Naya Kashmir Manifesto, Bakshi asked for Indian financial aid.
The Indian government insisted that the state ratify its accession before providing significant financial support.
To avoid the possibility of a plebiscite, Bakshi called on the Constituent Assembly in February 1954 to ratify the state’s accession to India. Subsequently, Kashmir was financially integrated into India and received grants to implement its development policy.
Bakshi increased the salaries of all government employees and labourers. He also harnessed the power of tourism by promoting “place myths” to integrate Kashmir into the Indian Union.
He invented a unique space that was attractive both to Hindu nationalists as an ancient, authentic Hindu space and to secular nationalists because of its contemporary hybrid identity and harmony.
In the face of local backlash after Abdullah’s arrest, the new government realised that its legitimacy was in question, especially after the controversial accession.
Both Bakshi and the Indian government realised that the only way to control the people of Kashmir and convince them of the benefits of closer ties with India was to bring economic prosperity to the region.
Corruption takes roots
However, the book states that this prosperity and infrastructure development during Bakshi’s rule also led to corruption and became a means for the government to create legitimacy and foster new forms of political loyalty. Bakshi is reported to have said that a Kashmiri who could not become rich under his rule would never become rich.
The book also sheds light on the surveillance on people and abuse by the peace brigades and the militia, both civilian forces that hired local goons to victimise people by giving them unrestricted powers.
Often dressed in civilian clothes and given sweeping powers, they attacked or harassed members of the opposition, imprisoned and tortured those suspected of dissent, often resorting to physical violence.
They were known for shoving hot potatoes into the mouths of their opponents, placing heavy stones on their chests and branding them with hot irons.
The author also addresses the sexualised images of Kashmir that continue to captivate and entice, portraying Kashmir as a female paradise to be explored and experienced.
Kanjwal concludes that Kashmir has been denied agency through this gendered representation and that it is unable to condone the actions of those who have “fallen under its spell”. Kashmir, it seems, cannot be recalled; its attraction lies solely in its beauty, which disturbs the mind.
Interestingly, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s rule, with its complex mix of largesse, economic integration and authoritarian measures, continues to be a topic of fascination and debate in contemporary discourse on Kashmir.
His legacy is a reminder of the complex history and challenges that continue to shape the destiny of the region. When everyone believed that Kashmir was now resigned to its fate and Bakshi was credited with having achieved this feat in his ten-year rule, the 1963 agitation triggered by the theft of holy relic from Hazratbal shrine shattered this belief and proved once again that the peace that was emerging on the ground was too fragile.
Bakshi was arrested under the Defence of India Rules for agitating against the government of Khawaja Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq. He was released on health grounds and elected to the Lok Sabha in 1967, where he served until 1971.
He died in July 1972, “lonely and unpopular”.
Unlike other political dynasties in Kashmir, Bakshi ordered that no one from his family should enter politics, a wish they have honoured to date.
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