With elections in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir due by the end of July, political activity has accelerated across the region. But an unusual question now sits at the centre of the campaign: Will the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), born as a protest platform, enter electoral politics as a party or remain a pressure group shaping outcomes from the outside?
On March 28, the region’s Chief Election Commissioner, retired Justice Ghulam Mustafa Mughal, told political parties after a consultative meeting that elections would be held on time, with a formal schedule expected in May. The announcement effectively fired the starting gun for campaigns, prompting established parties to step up outreach and organization on the ground.
The Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP) and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) have already intensified their activities, while Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) has also begun intermittent mobilization. Alongside them, several figures associated with the Joint Awami Action Committee have signaled their intention to contest from different constituencies, adding a new and unpredictable dimension to the electoral landscape.
Yet the committee itself has not formally clarified its strategy. Its leadership is expected to take up the issue in meetings scheduled for March 30 and 31, where a clearer line on participation is likely to emerge. For now, the signals are mixed. Some core members are moving ahead individually, while the collective position remains under deliberation.
In Mirpur, a core committee member, Nighman Arif, has already announced his candidacy from a local constituency. Others who were active during the committee’s protest movement are also preparing to enter the fray. Their decisions reflect a growing belief within sections of the committee that the momentum built on the streets can be translated into electoral capital.
The Joint Awami Action Committee rose to prominence through sustained protests over governance issues, cost of living, and public grievances, drawing wide support across the region. Its ability to mobilize large crowds and sustain pressure on authorities has given it visibility beyond that of a typical civil society platform. The question now is whether that energy can be converted into votes, or whether entering formal politics risks diluting its core appeal.
Public opinion appears divided. Many argue that the committee should avoid becoming a conventional political party and instead support credible independent candidates drawn from within its movement. This approach, they say, would allow it to retain moral authority and flexibility while still influencing the composition of the assembly.
Others believe that without a formal political structure, the committee risks losing coherence and bargaining power. They argue that contesting elections as a unified entity would provide a clearer mandate and a stronger negotiating position in a fragmented political environment.
Criticism and Controversy
Meanwhile, the committee’s growing popularity has also attracted criticism and controversy. In recent weeks, allegations have surfaced in political and media circles accusing the group of links to foreign funding and even branding it as disloyal. These claims have not been substantiated but have gained traction in certain quarters.
A former leader associated with the Hurriyat Conference, Abdul Hamid Lone, recently alleged in an interview that both the Joint Awami Action Committee and some Shia organizations in Gilgit-Baltistan had received funding from India’s intelligence agency.
He claimed that during a visit to the United Kingdom, he was approached with an offer to help channel funds to these groups in exchange for a payment of six million Pakistani rupees.
The allegations have raised eyebrows not only because of their seriousness but also due to Lone’s own political positioning. He is reportedly preparing to contest a seat reserved for refugees in the upcoming elections, and many say his claims may be politically motivated. Lone was previously associated with the Hurriyat Conference but was expelled, reportedly over questions about his conduct. He is now linked to a little-known group called Friends of Kashmir.
The timing of these accusations has reinforced perceptions among supporters of the Action Committee that sections of the political establishment are uneasy about its rise. They argue that the narrative of foreign links is being used to undermine a grassroots movement that has challenged entrenched political interests.
The legislative assembly’s term is set to expire in July, with elections expected before July 30. Earlier, in February, the Joint Awami Action Committee had warned that it would issue a “final call” on June 9 if the government failed to fulfill its commitments on key public demands. That deadline now overlaps with the election timeline, adding further complexity to the committee’s decision-making.
Whether the committee chooses to formally enter the electoral arena or back candidates informally, its role is likely to shape the outcome in significant ways. Even a limited but strategic intervention could alter vote shares in closely contested constituencies, particularly where traditional party loyalties are weakening.
For now, all eyes are on the end-of-March meetings, which could define not just the committee’s future, but also the contours of politics in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir at a moment of transition.
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