It’s often said that women are secretive about their age. But ever since Narendra Modi came to power in 2014, many senior BJP leaders have followed suit—choosing to obscure or ignore their birthdays entirely.
I recall, for instance, how Najma Heptulla, then Union Minister for Minority Affairs, deliberately went off-grid on her 75th birthday in April 2015. Phones off, no social media activity—she simply wanted no birthday wishes that might remind Modi she had crossed the age limit he had himself imposed.
Her silence earned her a one-year extension before she was sent to Manipur as Governor—effectively retired.
The retirement rule—unofficial but strictly enforced by Modi—forced stalwarts like L K Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, and Sumitra Mahajan into political oblivion. But now, that very rule has turned into a political conundrum. Modi himself turns 75 in September this year, as does Mohan Bhagwat, the chief of the BJP’s ideological patron, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
Bhagwat has already hinted at stepping down and, without naming Modi, has advised senior politicians to make space for younger leadership.
BJP leader Subramanian Swamy quipped recently that when Modi sidelined Advani by citing the age limit, he never imagined he would remain in power for over a decade. Before the Monsoon session of Parliament started on July 21, speculation was rife that Modi might make a significant announcement. Although, on the first day, there was a surprise resignation of Vice President Jagdeep Dhankar. Whether any other surprise is still in store, is still a guessing game.
Modi’s entire political playbook is built on suspense and unpredictability.
Throughout his tenure, from presidential nominations to chief ministerial appointments, Modi has consistently shocked both his party and the press. When the ruling alliance proposed Ram Nath Kovind as President in 2017, the Delhi media was blindsided. Likewise, BJP chief ministers in states like Haryana, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh were often obscure choices that left even veteran reporters guessing.
Guessing Game on Political Decisions
As someone who covered the BJP for years, I experienced this firsthand. Before becoming Gujarat’s chief minister, Modi was BJP general secretary in charge of Jammu & Kashmir. Living modestly at the party HQ on Ashoka Road, he’d share travel plans with me for news coverage—yet would frequently deviate from them. At first, I assumed it was for security. Later, I realized he relished misleading the media; inaccurate reporting gave him a strange satisfaction.
One such instance was in 2016, during a major Cabinet reshuffle. Those covering the BJP and President’s office had got the scoop, that several new ministers would be inducted. A night earlier, Arun Jaitley hosted an informal dinner for Modi with senior editors.
A colleague of mine attended and late when the front page was about to be put to bed, she called to say Modi had categorically denied any reshuffle. She insisted that the story about reshuffle should be now dropped, as it was going with her byline.
Knowing the style of Modi, and reconfirming from the sources, I disagreed and insisted that the paper stick with the story. After intervention from the chief editor, I agreed to downgrade it from the lead and to remove the byline—but ran it. The same story was in every newsroom on that night. Most of them removed the story from the front page and stashed it inside. The Hindu removed it all together, as its editor had attended the dinner and she insisted that since the prime minister himself has denied, there was no scope to run the story.
The next day, 19 new ministers were sworn in, several demoted, like Smriti Irani and five others including Najma Heptulla dropped. We were the only paper who had this story on the front page. This episode sealed Modi’s reputation among journalists: speculating on his decisions was deemed suicidal.
Suspense on Party President
Now, with the BJP moving to elect a new party president before September, the suspense is mounting again. J P Nadda’s term is already over. In earlier years, Modi and Amit Shah would simply install their loyalists. But this time, thanks to the political drubbing in the last general elections and mounting discontent within the RSS, it looks Modi’s grip has loosened.
Analyst Sanjay Jha recently wrote in The Wire that the days of Modi’s word being final are over. The RSS, fed up with the Modi-Shah duopoly, wants a party president who can look both men in the eye. The friction has delayed the appointment.
In fact, RSS even floated the name of Modi’s long-time rival Sanjay Joshi—a man once expelled over a fake sex video scandal, who maintained silence and remained loyal. His nomination, however unlikely to be accepted by Modi or Shah, signals a growing lack of confidence in their leadership.
Sources say the names of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan and Environment Minister Bhupender Yadav were proposed as the president of the BJP. But the RSS has not accepted either. It wants someone with strong organizational credentials—not a mere pawn of Modi or Shah.
Bhagwat’s recent statement that politicians should gracefully retire after a certain age has fueled speculation that pressure is mounting on Modi to step aside eventually. According to Jha, the RSS wants the BJP prepared for a post-2029 era—one where the “Modi brand” may no longer exist. Whoever is chosen as party president now will shape that future.
BJP’s Internal Power Struggles
There is another reason for urgency: the BJP’s internal power struggles. If Modi exits the stage without a strong successor, the battle for leadership could pit Amit Shah against Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. While Shah is seen as the de facto party president and key strategist, Yogi has outgrown his role and built a formidable base—independent of both Modi and the RSS.
Unlike Shah, Yogi does not come from the RSS fold and is not known to follow directions. His persona, much like Modi’s, is built on aggressive Hindutva and a loyal grassroots cadre. In fact, after the BJP’s surprise defeat in Uttar Pradesh during the 2024 general elections—winning only 33 of 80 seats—this leadership tussle intensified. Shah wants to appoint a state BJP chief who is anti-Yogi, but factionalism is so severe that even district presidents have not been finalized.
I remember when Yogi first entered Parliament—shy, dressed in saffron robes, and often a target of Lalu Prasad’s sarcasm. Born Ajay Singh Bisht, a Rajput from Uttarakhand, he gave up a career in mathematics to join the Gorakhnath Math, where his guru, Avaidyanath, anointed him successor. What Avaidyanath saw in this young ascetic remains a mystery.
Unlike other Modi-era leaders whose influence waned, Yogi has only grown stronger. Despite administrative failures, Modi and Shah have not dared sideline him. Another contender, Union Minister Nitin Gadkari, was seen as Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s ideological heir, but he too was recently targeted by a coordinated smear campaign—blamed for a collapsed bridge in Gujarat despite holding a central portfolio.
Will RSS influence decision making?
Insiders say, within RSS, there is a growing view that Modi has delivered all he could. Had he emerged victorious from his recent standoff with Pakistan, RSS would not have touched him.
In 2017, Modi reportedly wanted Manoj Sinha (now J&K’s Lieutenant Governor) to become UP CM and had even flown to a Himalayan temple for blessings. But upon returning, he found RSS had already picked Yogi.
Some believed this was a training ground for a future PM. Yet RSS may be now rethinking that bet too. Yogi’s unwillingness to dilute his hardline image and lack of direct RSS grooming are liabilities. Still, he continues to emulate Modi’s model—appeasing corporates, polarizing speeches, and hyper-nationalism.
Will it work? That remains to be seen.
With Modi, however, predictions are dangerous. Journalists have learned this the hard way. So, for now, the only option is to wait—and watch.
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