As global attention remains fixed on conflicts like India-Pakistan, Iran-Israel, Russia-Ukraine, and the massacre of Palestinians in Gaza, India has launched a massive military campaign called “Operation Karghar” deep in its central states of Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh.
The offensive, involving 10,000 heavily armed paramilitary troops, is targeting tribal-majority districts. In the last six months alone, around 375 Maoist insurgents—commonly known as Naxalites—have been killed, according to police.
This operation continues despite earlier reports suggesting that peace talks with Maoist groups were on the table. Even the commanders of these groups had indicated last year a willingness to resolve issues through dialogue.
High-profile figures like Shukra Rao, Madhavi Hadma, Ramchandra Reddy alias Chalapathi, Nambala Keshav Rao alias Basavaraj, Gujarala Ravi, and Chalapathi’s wife Aruna have been killed. The most significant success for security forces has been the elimination of the group’s top leader, Nambala Keshav Rao.
The latest phase of the offensive is centered on the mineral-rich Bastar region of Chhattisgarh, covering 38,932 square kilometers. The government has set up nearly 320 security camps in Bastar alone.
Around 20,000 local police personnel are assisting in these operations. Equipped with high-end drones, HD cameras, and thermal imaging sensors, security forces are conducting a cordon and search operation through dense forests.
However, villagers allege that large drones have been used for aerial bombardment. Maoist groups, too, have accused the forces of carrying out air strikes. Home Minister Amit Shah has visited Chhattisgarh several times and even spent nights with the troops in Bastar.
In the 2000s, Naxalites controlled nearly a third of India's mineral-rich tribal belt—dubbed the "Red Corridor"—spanning across Chhattisgarh, Telangana, Odisha, Jharkhand, and Maharashtra.
Their presence has now shrunk from 126 districts in 2013 to just 38 as of last year.
The Maoist movement began in 1967 in Naxalbari village of West Bengal’s Darjeeling district, when Santhali tribal farmers rose up under the leadership of Charu Majumdar and Kanu Sanyal. This rebellion led to the birth of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist). Although early police crackdowns subdued the movement, it resurfaced in the 1980s with the People's War Group (PWG), focusing on forested tribal districts like Adilabad in Andhra Pradesh.
By 1991, the insurgency had spread to Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, and Odisha. In 2004, CPI (ML), PWG, and the Maoist Coordination Centre merged to form CPI (Maoist), giving the movement national reach.
Deep-rooted Socio-economic Issues
The insurgency grew from deep-rooted socio-economic issues that tribal populations faced, ignored by politicians and mainstream discourse.
During a visit to Malkangiri district in Odisha, I witnessed the severe isolation caused by the artificial lake formed after a dam that was built in the 1970s.
No one thought of building a bridge to reconnect villages cut off by the lake. In the absence of state infrastructure, Naxal leaders became the only point of contact for these people.
Similarly, around 200 people died of starvation in Odisha’s Kalahandi and Bolangir districts in 2002–03. When I visited again in 2013, poverty was so stark it was unimaginable to urban minds. In those villages, even rice, wheat, lentils, or vegetables were considered luxuries, consumed only at rare ceremonies. Most subsisted on forest roots and berries, if available. Otherwise, they starved for days together.
Exploiting these dire conditions, Naxals rallied people to overthrow the state and establish a communist regime. They claimed to be fighting for tribal rights and poor villagers long neglected and displaced by the state.
According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, around 12,000 people—including over 4,000 civilians—have died in clashes between security forces and rebels since 2000. In the early 2000s, the Naxalites controlled vast swathes of land and had over 30,000 fighters. Today, estimates say only 500 active fighters remain, confined to a few districts.
After Keshav Rao’s recent killing, Home Minister Shah called it “the most decisive blow to the Maoist insurgency in three decades.” Yet, despite repeated calls by Naxal leaders for ceasefires and peace talks, many believe the state’s true motive is not peace but protecting corporate interests.
Veteran journalist N Venugopal, a long-time observer of the Naxal movement, described the current offensive as a massacre, accusing security forces of acting like hunters motivated by bounty rewards. The Modi government has vowed to wipe out the Maoist rebellion by March 2026.
Maoist leaders consistently assert that their fight is against the exploitation of natural resources in tribal regions handed over to multinational corporations. Locals, they say, have been evicted from their homes and lands, their environment destroyed.
Of Bastar’s 51 mineral blocks, 36 are owned by private companies, including global steel giant ArcelorMittal. Former MLA and tribal leader Manish Kunjam says the state government forcibly cleared 644 villages when companies like Tata and Essar began iron ore extraction in 2005, displacing 350,000 people.
Tribal resistance eventually forced companies to abandon the projects. Learning from this, the government has now placed security camps directly in mining zones to restart exploitation. Legally, no mining can occur without the approval of local village councils (Gram Sabhas), but any tribal protest is branded as Maoist or sympathetic to them. Kunjam points out that in Bastar, one soldier is deployed for every nine tribals, and many camps are reportedly funded by mining companies.
Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai claims mining and industrial activity will uplift tribal lives. Chhattisgarh is the second-largest mineral-producing state in India (after Odisha) and earned Rs 14.19 billion ($1.71 billion) in mineral revenue last year. This year, it has allotted 48 large mineral blocks to private companies. But the ground reality contradicts these claims. Poverty, lack of healthcare, and illiteracy persist, exposing the inequality in wealth distribution.
Congress spokesperson Sushil Anand Shukla argues that generating revenue at the cost of tribal lives is not only dangerous—it is unconstitutional. Chhattisgarh’s infant mortality rate is 38 per 1,000 live births (compared to the national average of 28), and Bastar’s poverty rate is 80%. The state produces minerals worth Rs 250–300 billion annually, holds a third of India’s iron and tin reserves, and contributes a quarter to the country’s steel and cement output.
Mineral Rich Region
It holds a fifth of India’s coal reserves and contributes 15% of its total mineral revenue. Yet, Chhattisgarh ranks 26th out of 28 states on the Human Development Index. Only one-third of households have access to clean drinking water, and poverty is twice the national average.
Even peaceful, constitutional tribal movements have become intolerable to the state. The Mol Vasi Bachao Manch (MBM), a group opposing extrajudicial killings and illegal security camps in Fifth Schedule tribal areas, has become the latest target. From speaking out against aerial bombings to mourning the death of a six-month-old baby in Mutwindi, MBM was finally banned on September 30, 2024, accused of “opposing development” and “resisting security camps.”
India has 177 tribal dominated districts, home to 104.2 million people (8.6% of the population). Major central Indian tribes include the Bhils and Gonds (6 million), Santhals (4 million), and Oraons (3 million). Maoists also draw support from Dalit communities. Together, Dalits and tribals make up nearly a quarter of India’s population, mostly in rural areas.
Post-independence, rapid development—dams, mines, industrial units—was often built on tribal lands, causing large-scale displacements. Between 1951 and 1990, an estimated 21 million people were displaced, of whom 8.54 million (40%) were tribals, despite their share in the population being less than 8%.
Erasing Diversity
One of the gravest threats to tribal areas comes from the RSS-affiliated Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA) to integrate tribals into “mainstream Hinduism.” Tribal women are portrayed as Shabari (the mythical devotee from Ramayana) and men as Hanuman, the monkey god. "Ghar wapsi" ceremonies are held for those who had converted to Christianity.
An editorial in RSS mouthpiece Organiser argued that reconnecting tribals with “Indian culture and religion” is essential.
Tribal leaders contend that they have distinct customs and beliefs, and forced worship of Hindu deities could provoke more rebellion and destroy India’s cultural diversity. Erasing this diversity could spark not just religious but civilizational conflict. The more prudent course would be to respect and recognise different identities, rather than forcibly mainstreaming them.
The Maoist movement in India is not just a law-and-order issue—it is a symbol of deep-rooted social, economic, and cultural crises. It is about land rights, employment, education, tribal identity, dignity, participation in development, and justice.
A few thousand tribals and their supporters can be eliminated through military operations or imprisoned as “urban Naxals,” but the root causes will remain unresolved.
Former Home Minister P Chidambaram eventually realized that counting corpses does not equal victory. The sooner Amit Shah learns that, the better.
The Maoists have lost many commanders in recent months, but experts ask: "Is this really the end, or merely a pause in a long and bloody saga?"
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