Judge (retd) Syed Manzoor Gillani
The crisis in Pakistan-administered Kashmir or Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) has escalated as the government has ignored demands for equal treatment in government subsidies, especially in flour prices, which also apply to Gilgit-Baltistan.
These tensions surfaced publicly when the Rawalakot-based Awami Action Committee of Poonch raised these concerns on 8 May 2023.
Further aggravation was triggered by the introduction of new taxes on electricity bills in August 2023, which were labelled as ‘protected’ and ‘unprotected’ taxes. This led to widespread protests initiated by students of Muzaffarabad University and supported by local traders.
The protests, which culminated in a large demonstration in Muzaffarabad on 31 August, spread to Rawalakot and Mirpur districts by 5 September 2023. These public demonstrations also brought to light issues related to the Neelum-Jehlum hydropower project.
After a meeting in Muzaffarabad on 17 September, the influence of the Awami Action Committee of Poonch spread to the whole of AJK and the Awami Joint Action Committee was formed. This broader alliance called for AJK-wide protests, which led to dramatic acts of resistance such as the burning of electricity bills.
In response, the government arrested numerous activists on 30 September, but they were released on 4 October due to public pressure. The government’s subsequent refusal to accept the new tariffs proposed by Pakistan in October and its decision to negotiate directly with the protesters was a significant concession by the government.
During the negotiations, which stretched from November to December 2023, the Awami Action Committee submitted a 10-point list of demands to a cabinet committee. This list included subsidies on flour, reduction of electricity tariffs to the production cost of the Mangla hydropower plant, removal of excessive government perks and other socio-economic reforms. After intense discussions, the government agreed to nine of these demands, except for the reduction in electricity tariff, citing federal restrictions.
Despite these concessions, the Awami Action Committee, unhappy with the pace of change, called for a march to the AJK Assembly scheduled for 11 May 2024. Tensions came to a head when a deputy commissioner in Dodyal was assaulted on 9 May after he tried to disperse a crowd, signalling the severity of the unrest.
Since 10 May, protesters from across AJK have been marching towards Muzaffarabad, resulting in serious clashes, particularly in Chak Swari, where a police sub-inspector was killed. The Prime Minister of AJK, Anwar ul Haq, who is known for his strict governance and support from the Pakistani establishment, faces intense pressure from the coalition partners and the protesters.
An unfortunate incident took place on 9 May in Dodyal, a subdivision of Mirpur district, where a deputy commissioner was severely beaten up, stripped and his vehicle set on fire when he ordered a mob to unload. When the attackers retaliated, the action committee decided to launch a protest march on 10 May.
Since 10 May, people from all over AJK started protests and procession marches to Muzaffarabad, the capital of AJK, to sit in front of the assembly. In Chak Swari, a town in Mipur district, a police sub-inspector was shot dead and dozens of people, including policemen, were injured in clashes with hostile mobs across AJK.
Anwar ul Haq’s governance, characterised by a strict meritocracy and austerity measures such as the introduction of biometric attendance verification for civil servants and a crackdown on tax evasion, was met with resistance. His austerity measures and refusal to engage in mainstream political practises have isolated him within his own coalition government, which is made up of the Pakistan People’s Party, Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz, All Jammu & Kashmir Muslim Conference and a faction of Pakistan Tehrik Insaf.
He rules alone and in accordance with the book, whereas politicians are not used to this. No one dares to challenge him because he enjoys the trust of the Pakistani establishment. The leaders and workers of his coalition partners also support the Awami Action Committee movement to bring him to his knees because of his stringent merits and austerity measures.
Foreign nationalists have expressed their full support for the protesters as it suits their agenda, although the action committee is sincere in its aims.
Official sources have said that in his one-year tenure, he has refused to use secret funds. All government contracts are awarded through e-tendering, public sector employment is through NTS, he ensures the presence of government servants in the office through a biometric system, and he has reduced expenditure on the Prime Minister’s House and Office by more than 90 percent.
He is also believed to have reduced the use of his private vehicle for non-official purposes, banned the purchase of new vehicles and phased out unregistered vehicles from the bureaucracy, set a petrol limit for ministers and abolished vehicle maintenance charges.
He has also cracked down on tax evaders, especially flour mill operators, tobacco and timber mafias, etc. He has recently set up an endowment fund worth ten billion rupees for widows, orphans, the disabled and the needy.
Despite the unrest, negotiations between the government and the protesters resumed in Rawalakot, where thousands gathered to find a possible solution. The government’s willingness to subsidise the cost of flour from its development funds indicates a possible concession, although the reduction in electricity tariffs remains a complex issue linked to constitutional provisions and possible spillover effects on other provinces.
This financial year, AJK’s budget is under significant strain with an estimated total of Rs 282bn against revenues of Rs 80bn, highlighting the financial challenges in meeting public needs without federal support.
This crisis not only underscores the socio-economic inequalities within AJK, but also reflects the broader geopolitical sensitivities in the region, with implications for governance, public policy and civil stability in a region that is of critical importance to both Pakistan and the wider South Asian context.
*The author is the former Acting Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan Administered Jammu and Kashmir.
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