Umakant Lakhera*
In the Lutyens’ Zone of Delhi, just past Vijay Chowk, heading towards the South and North Blocks, the once vibrant aura of power and bureaucracy seems dimmer than it was over the past decade. In 2019, after winning a decisive majority, the Modi-government basked in unchallenged authority for a full term of five years.
A similar sentiment was evident during the recent Budget Session in Parliament and Prime Minister Modi’s 98-minute speech from the Red Fort. However, the public is not as enthused about the government’s vision of a “developed India by 2047,” especially as the youth demand immediate solutions to unemployment and inflation.
For those struggling to shape their futures today, being asked to wait another 23 years feels like a distant dream. The popularity rate of PM Modi is on a fast decline. In a survey conducted by India Today group his popularity rate came down from 41.48 to 34.34 percent within a brief period of six months.
The government’s wavering confidence is evident in its hesitation to implement significant economic reforms and privatization initiatives after returning to power on June 4, 2024. Unlike in 2019, when the Modi-government, buoyed by a strong majority of 303 seats, fully exploited a fragmented and weak opposition to advance its agenda and provide substantial support to favored corporates, the situation is different this time.
The setback in the recent Lok Sabha elections, where the BJP failed to secure a majority, has slowed the government’s push towards privatization. Feedback from the BJP’s grassroots indicates that Modi’s perceived close ties with large capitalists have eroded public trust in his government. This sentiment was evident in Uttar Pradesh, where voters prioritised caste unity and minority solidarity over religious polarization, reducing the BJP’s seat tally to 33 out of the 80 they aimed to win.
The government has also scaled back its aggressive privatization drive. The plan to privatize around 200 Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs) has been put on hold, with efforts now focused on making them profitable. Notably, the large-scale privatization announced in 2021 was suspended ahead of the April-May general elections due to opposition pressure and fears of electoral loss. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman hinted at selling unutilized government land in the 2023 budget to boost revenue, but even these measures have faced significant resistance.
With Modi’s third-term inauguration, the bolstered strength of the opposition in Parliament has made it difficult for the government to push through unilateral and stringent decisions. The budget’s special emphasis on Andhra Pradesh and Bihar, along with visible signs of government instability, suggests growing strains between the BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The unexpected election results in several states have further complicated matters.
One of the most surprising retreats by the Modi-government was its decision to withdraw the controversial Broadcasting Bill. The bill, under discussion since November last year, aimed to curb social media, which has increasingly become a thorn in the government’s side. However, it was seen as a direct challenge to media freedom and freedom of expression in India. The bill’s scope extended to all online social media platforms, streaming services, YouTube, podcasts, and news and commentary channels, potentially impacting thousands of users.
The proposed regulatory framework included a three-tier structure, and there were even plans to bring YouTubers and social media users operating abroad under the law’s jurisdiction. Despite the government withdrawing the bill after widespread opposition and suggestions from key allies, media experts believe the Modi-administration may reintroduce it after further consultations.
Similarly, the government was forced to backtrack on its proposed Induction Tax following severe backlash. The tax would have complicated capital gains on long-term purchases and sales of assets like land, buildings, gold, and jewelry.
The controversy around the Central Public Service Commission began on August 17 when an advertisement was published inviting applications for director, joint secretary, and deputy secretary positions across various government departments. The ad triggered a storm of criticism, not just from opposition leaders like Rahul Gandhi and Akhilesh Yadav, but also from NDA allies like Chirag Paswan, Nitish Kumar, and Chandrababu Naidu. The backlash forced the government to quickly retract the advertisement, with the Minister of State for Personnel writing to the Commission’s chair to annul it. The government couldn’t escape the accusation that these appointments were part of a covert plan to dismantle reservation in public jobs.
Towards the end of the Parliament session, the Modi government signaled its intent to amend the Waqf Board Act. Opposition parties alleged that the move was designed to stir Hindu-Muslim tensions ahead of crucial state elections. However, sensing strong opposition from groups like the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, the government announced that the bill would first be reviewed by a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC). It appears unlikely that the JPC will make substantial progress beyond examining a few key points.
In India, Waqf Boards manage properties donated for religious or charitable purposes under Islamic law. Each state has its own board, and while there have been demands for reforms due to disputes and encroachments on Waqf properties, any attempt to force changes without consulting Islamic organizations like the Personal Law Board is fraught with risks. The TDP and JD(U), key BJP allies, have privately expressed concerns about the potential backlash from Muslim communities in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar, which could cost them dearly in upcoming elections.
*Author is Delhi based Journalist
(This news article has been updated with fresh inputs)
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