SRINAGAR: The plaque placed inside the revered Hazratbal Dargah in Srinagar by the Central government-appointed Waqf Board has fueled the shock and anger among Kashmiri Muslims. Waqf Board chief Darakshan Andrabi is the centre of public ire for placing the national emblem within the mosque premises. Locals say, it hurt religious sentiments.
Following the alleged “vandalisation of the plaque” on Friday, according to different reports police have detained about 25 to 50 individuals in connection with the incident. The detentions came after authorities reviewed video footage and CCTV recordings of the vandalization, police said, adding that legal action would be taken against those involved, including women participants, though minors would be exempt from prosecution.
What began as the unveiling of the renovation of the revered dargah during the sacred Islamic month of Rabi al-Awwal has turned into a widening controversy over identity, religious sensibilities, and political authority. The 12th day of this month, which this year coincided with September 6, was the 1500th birth anniversary of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).
The national emblem of India, placed on a plaque inside the dargah’s main prayer hall, not only triggered a rare display of fury among worshippers but also set off detentions, political mudslinging and accusations of deliberate provocation.
The controversy has shadowed reels and pictures of the dargah’s new look, which had initially spread widely on social media, winning praise for its vibrant colours, intricate designs and textures inspired by Moroccan architecture. The timing was carefully chosen: Friday prayers a day ahead of the Prophet’s birth anniversary, when Hazratbal traditionally draws the largest crowds.
But the mood shifted dramatically. Instead of joy, devotees found a plaque bearing the four-lion national emblem — a symbol they viewed as alien, even blasphemous, inside a mosque. Videos captured the chaos as worshippers chanting slogans for Islam and against the Waqf Board, which manages the dargah under the leadership of BJP politician Dr Darakhshan Andrabi.
The Waqf chairperson responded by calling the protesters “terrorists” and demanding their arrest. She later announced that those identified would be banned from entering the dargah and said “strict actions” would follow. “FIRs will be filed against everyone responsible, including the MLA whose tweet added fuel to the fire,” she declared.
Her remarks were seen as incendiary, particularly after she urged Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah and the authorities to book the devotees under the Public Safety Act (PSA), a law long criticised for arbitrary detentions.
Police quickly swung into action. By Saturday, more than two dozen people had been detained, accused of damaging the national emblem. According to reports, the FIR included charges under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita for disturbing lawful religious assemblies, provoking breaches of peace, rioting, damage to property, and conspiracy.
The Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act was also invoked, signalling the seriousness with which the government is pursuing the case.
The detentions, however, have fuelled further resentment, with critics accusing the administration of punishing ordinary devotees rather than acknowledging the hurt caused by the plaque.
Opposition Voices: 'Against Tawheed'
National Conference legislator Tanvir Sadiq, representing Hazratbal, was among the first to react.
“I am not a religious scholar but in Islam, idol worship is strictly forbidden — the gravest of sins,” he posted on X. “Placing a sculpted figure at the revered Hazratbal Dargah goes against this very belief. Sacred spaces must reflect only the purity of Tawheed, nothing else.”
The NC later issued a formal statement calling the episode “a matter of grave concern”. The Waqf, it said, “is not the personal estate of any individual”, yet it accused Andrabi of “crowning herself inside holy shrines” and mocking Islamic principles of humility and accountability.
The statement further criticised her response: “Even more disturbing is that instead of offering an apology to the people for hurting their religious sentiments — which under Indian law itself constitutes an offence — threats are being issued of arrests under the PSA. Is this the future of Waqf management in Jammu and Kashmir — run not with respect for faith and community, but with arrogance, spectacle, and fear?”
National Conference MP Aga Ruhullah Mehdi took the strongest line, framing the incident as part of a broader campaign to tamper with Kashmiri religious and cultural symbols.
“This is an onslaught on the Muslim population of Jammu and Kashmir,” he told reporters in Srinagar. He pointed out that the Indian Constitution prohibits using the national emblem for religious purposes.
Mehdi urged authorities to avoid “inhumane laws” like the PSA, warning that Andrabi’s comments revealed the true intentions behind the move. “Attempts to monumentalise egos inside Hazratbal are not acts of devotion but of arrogance. A sacred place that has stood for centuries needs no one’s nameplate for legitimacy,” he said.
On social media, Mehdi stressed that Hazratbal had undergone reconstructions in the past, “but never were such means used to claim credit. Any talk of using PSA in this case only adds insult to injury. It is foolish, unacceptable, and an assault on people’s attachment to their beloved dargah.”
He further contrasted the move with Hindu revered places: “There is no foundation stone with names or emblems at the Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine or not even at the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, because they know it is against the constitution.”
In a latest statement, Mehdi expressed deep concern over the detention of "nearly thirty individuals," characterizing the police action as "operational retribution" when reconciliation and administrative empathy are most needed.
Chief Minister Omar Abdullah also weighed in, calling the emblem a “mistake” that had wounded religious feelings.
“First, the question arises whether the national emblem should have been used on this stone or not. I have never seen an emblem being used in this way in any religious place,” he said while addressing journalists in Anantnag.
Abdullah stressed that mosques, dargahs, temples and gurdwaras were religious institutions, not government buildings. “Government emblems are not used in religious institutions,” he noted. He also criticised Andrabi’s threats, saying the Waqf Board “played with the sentiments of the people” and should have apologised.
Other Political Voices
Former Srinagar Mayor Junaid Azim Mattu said he opposed plaques inside dargahs altogether. “This is a call of humility and surrender to the Almighty,” he argued. But he questioned why the NC did not act to remove Andrabi instead of tweeting.
Iltija Mufti, daughter of PDP leader Mehbooba Mufti, accused the BJP of deliberately provoking Muslims. In her post on X, she linked the emblem row to the party’s “communal mindset”.
Meanwhile, BJP supporters and pro-BJP accounts online seized on the destruction of the emblem to whip up nationalist anger, branding Kashmiris as “dishonourers of the nation”.
Religious authorities also joined the chorus. The Mutahida Majlis-e-Ulema (MMU), a coalition led by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, declared that Islam explicitly forbids plaques, figures and symbols in mosques or dargahs.
“This principle has been honoured across our land for generations,” Mirwaiz said.
“Even when the Hazratbal Dargah was rebuilt in the 1970s, no plaques or foundation stones were placed, out of respect for the injunctions of Shari‘ah and tradition. To introduce them now sets a dangerous and unnecessary precedent.”
For many in Kashmir, the emblem row has laid bare deeper tensions over identity and political control. Hazratbal is not just any dargah; it is the spiritual heart of Kashmiri Muslims, the custodian of the Prophet’s relic, and a symbol of collective memory. To see it associated with state insignia has been interpreted as an encroachment on faith itself.
Critics describe the move as part of an “erasure technique” — the gradual assimilation of Kashmir into the Indian mainstream by altering its cultural and religious symbols. The anger is magnified by the perception that the Waqf Board, under Andrabi, is less a guardian of heritage than an instrument of political display.
The government’s swift resort to arrests and threats of PSA detentions has reinforced a sense of grievance. Instead of dialogue or apology, devotees face criminal charges. Analysts say this risks widening the gulf between Kashmiris and New Delhi at a time when trust is already fragile.
For the time being, the dargah has reopened for worshipers without the plaque, but the wound lingers. Political parties continue to trade blame. The BJP has doubled down on portraying the protests as anti-national, while NC leaders accuse the Waqf Board of arrogance and provocation. Religious leaders have warned against further tampering.
What was meant to be a moment of celebration at Hazratbal has instead become a test of the delicate balance between faith, politics and identity in Kashmir. Whether the emblem controversy fades or sparks longer-term unrest may depend less on plaques and more on how authorities choose to respond — with humility, or with further confrontation.
More Than Just Praying Place
The Hazratbal is not merely a physical space of worship in Kashmir; it is the spiritual heart of millions, a living symbol of faith, unity and collective memory. Any disturbance here sends ripples across the Valley, awakening both religious fervour and political undercurrents, writes globally renowned author Dr Abdul Ahad.
It is the most sacred place for Kashmiri Muslims and has played a significant part in the conflict-ridden region’s history.
From the theft of the holy relic in 1963, which brought life to a standstill in Kashmir, to the famous firefight between militants and Indian forces in March 1996 that left eleven people dead, Hazratbal has often been at the centre of dramatic events.
So great was its significance that when the relic was stolen, an intelligence officer from New Delhi was rushed to Srinagar. The then Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, reportedly lost all hope. According to contemporary accounts, he feared Kashmir had been lost.
Zahir-ud-Din records in his book Flash Back: Kashmir Story since 1846 that when Nehru’s intelligence chief B.N. Mullick phoned him about the relic’s recovery, Nehru said: “You have saved Kashmir for India.” Mullick himself wrote in My Days with Nehru: “It was an intelligence operation never to be made public.” For 17 days, Kashmiris had poured onto the streets in protest until the relic was finally restored.
The political repercussions were swift and seismic. The incident undermined Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s administration, which was already facing growing discontent. Into this volatile space stepped G.M. Sadiq and D.P. Dhar, who emerged as immediate political beneficiaries. Their rapid consolidation of power in the wake of public anger demonstrated how deeply politics and faith intertwine in Kashmir, Dr Ahad observes.
The Indian army’s siege of Hazratbal in 1993 to evict militants who considered it a “liberated zone” remains another defining chapter. Youths in camouflage walked the mosque’s esplanade on the shore of Dal Lake, weapons in hand, convinced the forces would not dare to defile a Muslim sanctuary.
Pro-freedom leaders called on people to march to Hazratbal, triggering demonstrations across the Valley. On 22 October 1993, residents of Bijbehara in south Kashmir blocked the Srinagar-Jammu National Highway to demand an end to the siege. BSF personnel opened unprovoked fire, killing around 40 people on the spot and injuring more than 200.
An official enquiry concluded that “firing upon procession was absolutely unprovoked and the claim made by the security forces that they were forced to retaliate the firing of militants for self-defence is baseless and concocted.”
Legal Voices
The placement of the Ashoka emblem at Hazratbal can be questioned legally under the State Emblem of India (Prohibition of Improper Use) Act, 2005. Religious sites are not typically considered government institutions where the emblem is authorised for use, said a legal expert practising law for more than a decade, who requested anonymity for fear of reprisals.
Without explicit permission from the central government, such use could be deemed improper, particularly if it is perceived as disrespectful to the religious context or to the emblem’s dignity, the expert added.
The objections based on Islamic principles of Tawheed (oneness of God) highlight a potential conflict between the emblem’s design and religious sensitivities. However, the emblem itself is a secular symbol, not an idol.
If challenged legally, “the resolution would depend on whether the Waqf Board’s use of the emblem was authorised and whether its placement was deemed respectful to both the emblem and the religious site’s sanctity,” said the expert.
The rules of the State Emblem of India (Prohibition of Improper Use) Act, 2005, gazetted in 2007, clearly mention that no commission or committee, public sector undertaking, bank, or municipal body is authorised to use the emblem in any manner. Many legal experts say the Waqf Board also comes under this definition.
Surprisingly, the BJP leader and Waqf chairperson commented: “I had warned that such trouble could be created.”
The questions remain: whom did she warn? Was this pre-planned? And what were the real intentions?
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