This was probably the year 1998–99. It was a late-night meeting of the Congress Working Committee (CWC) at the Congress headquarters located at 24 Akbar Road, New Delhi.
Those journalists accustomed to covering Congress activities during this period know that CWC meetings would begin around 8.00 PM and briefing could be frustratingly as late as around midnight.
On critical occasions, gaining information after CWC meetings often involved knocking doors of leaders and running around all night.
I assumed it might be a driver asking for directions. However, the driver rolled down the window and said: "Young man, can I drop you somewhere?" To my astonishment, it wasn’t just anyone but Dr Manmohan Singh.
A Memorable Lift
At Akbar Road, finding an auto or a bus is almost impossible. Carrying a bag on my shoulder, walking to the nearest bus stop, as I arrived at the first crossing near Janpath, a Maruti Suzuki 800 screeched to a halt near the footpath.
Initially, I assumed it might be a driver asking for directions. However, the driver rolled down the window and said: "Young man, can I drop you somewhere?"
To my astonishment, it wasn’t just anyone but Dr. Manmohan Singh, the former Finance Minister and a member of the Congress Working Committee, who would later serve as India’s Prime Minister for 10 years.
That night, after attending the meeting, he was also on his way home and offered to drop me at my destination. I told him I lived in South Delhi and he kindly dropped me at the Aurobindo Marg-Safdarjung road intersection after taking a turn near Tughlaq Road Police Station.
"Relax, I have a meeting now. Come back in the evening with a second recorder." He asked someone to bring a cup of tea for me.
An Interview to Recall
Similarly, during the 2004 general elections, after the release of the Congress Party’s manifesto, I needed a sound byte for Deutsche Welle, the German radio’s Urdu service.
Deutsche Welle provided us with a mini-disk recorder for the purpose. I reached his official residence on Safdarjung Road, which he occupied as the Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha.
The lawn of his residence was bustling with cameras and reporters. Once other interviews concluded, Dr. Singh gave me time.
The gadgets at times are unpredictable. The recorder failed to save the track. When I informed him about the problem, he calmly gave the interview once again. Despite another attempt, the issue persisted. Frustrated, I checked the batteries, the disk, and whatever I could and started sweating in desperation.
"Relax, I have a meeting now. Come back in the evening with a second recorder." He asked someone to bring a cup of tea for me. But my deadline for filing the story was just an hour away.
I requested assistance from Deutsche Welle’s head office in Bonn and suggested to them to conduct the interview over his landline from the studio itself.
Within 10 minutes, they called, and he gave the interview on phone, as I was sipping tea nearby.
His patience and humility, despite his stature, left an enduring impression.
“Mohna was an intelligent but shy child. His pockets were always filled with dry fruits, which made him popular among other children. He was the only child who escaped the stick and wrath of teacher Munshi Abdul Karim, as his classwork was always complete, and he excelled in Urdu and mathematics throughout the school.”
Calm Chakwal Boy
According to his daughter, Daman Singh, Manmohan Singh was born in the autumn of 1932 in the village of Gah, in Chakwal district, Punjab, Pakistan.
Nobody knows the exact date, as his father, Gurmukh Singh, worked as a clerk for a commission agents' firm in Peshawar at the time, and no record of the day or month was kept. The firm imported dry fruits from Afghanistan and supplied them to various parts of undivided India.
The newborn was taken to Panja Sahib in the town of Hassan Abdal, about 50 kilometres from Rawalpindi. There, a Granthi opened the sacred Guru Granth Sahib and named him Manmohan.
He grew up in the care of his grandfather, Sant Singh, and grandmother, Jamna Devi. At school in 1937, his teacher, Daulat Ram, recorded his date of birth as April 17 in the register.
Following Partition, the family migrated to Hoshiarpur in India, enduring significant hardships.
I met Raja Mohammad Ali, a schoolmate of Manmohan Singh from Gah, during his visit to Delhi in 2008. He was staying at the guesthouse of the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) in Golf Links.
Raja Mohammad Ali said: “Mohna was an intelligent but shy child. His pockets were always filled with dry fruits, which made him popular among other children. He was the only child who escaped the stick and wrath of teacher Munshi Abdul Karim, as his classwork was always complete, and he excelled in Urdu and mathematics throughout the school.”
He added that, unlike other children, Mohna avoided noise and games.
“When he hesitated to join us in playing, we would throw him into the village pond,” he recounted.
After the fourth grade, Manmohan was sent to Khalsa High School for Boys in Peshawar, where he studied Persian, English, history, and geography.
During a party at the Prime Minister’s residence, Vinod Sharma, political editor of the Hindustan Times, once told him that he had visited Hoshiarpur and seen the streetlamp under which Manmohan used to study, as his family couldn’t afford electricity.
Despite his humble and challenging background, he never exploited it for political gain.
After studying economics at Punjab University, Manmohan Singh earned an Honours degree in economics from Cambridge University and a doctorate from Oxford University. He then taught economics at Punjab University. In the early 1960s, renowned author Mulk Raj Anand, his neighbour in Amritsar, took him to Delhi to meet Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who invited the talented economist to join the Economic Service.
However, Singh was contractually bound to teach for a specific period since the college had funded his overseas education. In 1966, he joined the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in Geneva. Three years later, he returned to join the faculty of the Delhi School of Economics, alongside globally renowned economists like Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, Jagdish Bhagwati, and Sukhamoy Chakravarty.
Dr Manmohan Singh humbly refused to sit on the stage or in the front row, insisting he was there to listen to Noorani and was fortunate to have received the invitation.
Legendary Punctuality
His punctuality was legendary. It was said that his routine was so precise that one could set their watch by it.
One time, at a book release event for A.G. Noorani, hosted by Speaker Somnath Chatterjee in the Parliament Library Building, Manmohan Singh arrived exactly at 6.00 PM as stated on the card, though the event was scheduled to begin at 6.30 PM.
The publishers had sent a routine invitation to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and had no idea that it would reach the Prime Minister and then he would come also to attend the book release.
He humbly refused to sit on the stage or in the front row, insisting he was there to listen to Noorani and was fortunate to have received the invitation.
Before becoming Finance Minister, he chaired the University Grants Commission (UGC). A colleague, who worked there recalled that the Chairman’s office was on the fifth floor, and Manmohan Singh would always arrive at 9.00 AM, using the stairs instead of the lift.
He would inspect rooms on different floors randomly, ensuring punctuality among staff. His refusal to use the lift also meant that all floors and stairways were cleaned regularly.
Alexander asked to wake him up, informing Singh that he needed to take the oath as Finance Minister the next day. Singh, groggy and sceptical, did not take it seriously.
The Making Of the FM
The story of how he became Finance Minister is just as interesting.
Sanjaya Baru, his media advisor during his first term as Prime Minister, documented in “The Accidental Prime Minister: The Making and Unmaking of Manmohan Singh” that after Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination in May 1991, P.V. Narasimha Rao, tasked with forming the government, sought a finance minister who had credibility with international financial institutions and could negotiate loans from the IMF.
His first choice, I.G. Patel, declined, opting for a quiet retirement in Baroda.
P.C. Alexander, Rajiv Gandhi’s former principal secretary, suggested Manmohan Singh’s name. When Alexander called Singh late at night, his son-in-law Vijay Tankha answered the phone as Singh had just returned from a trip and gone to bed.
Alexander asked to wake him up, informing Singh that he needed to take the oath as Finance Minister the next day. Singh, groggy and sceptical, did not take it seriously.
The next morning, he reported to the UGC office as usual, until Narasimha Rao personally called, instructing him to go home, wear a bandh gala coat, and proceed to Rashtrapati Bhavan for the swearing-in ceremony.
As Singh, later said sitting in the line of ministers awaiting to take the oath, he was as surprised as everyone else.
At one point, Singh after resigning had stopped going to the office for eight days. Narasimha Rao requested opposition leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee to counsel Singh as he knew that his own party men were baying for his blood.
When he assumed office, India’s foreign exchange reserves could barely cover two weeks of imports. The nation had already mortgaged its gold reserves to the Bank of England. Commercial banks were refusing further loans, and the Soviet Union, India’s long-standing ally, had collapsed.
His first budget speech called for breaking the Begging Bowl and significantly increasing exports. What followed was a series of groundbreaking economic reforms.
These reforms included ending the infamous license-permit raj, reducing import duties, and opening the economy to global markets. In his budget speech on July 24, 1991, he quoted Victor Hugo: “No power on earth can stop an idea whose time has come.”
These reforms laid the foundation for India’s modern economy but came at a political cost.
The Congress party, steeped in Nehruvian ideology, was divided. Economic liberalization was seen as a betrayal of Nehru’s vision. Manmohan Singh later shared that he carried a resignation letter in his pocket, offering it to Narasimha Rao multiple times, including during a parliamentary uproar over reduced fertilizer subsidies.
At one point, Singh after resigning had stopped going to the office for eight days.
Narasimha Rao requested opposition leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee to counsel Singh as he knew that his own party men were baying for his blood.
Singh once himself narrated that when he entered the room of the Leader of Opposition in the Parliament Building, he said: “You are no more a technocrat, but a politician. Have thick skin and endure criticism. We are opposition, it is our duty to oppose. But we know you are doing what is required at this moment. Join office and don’t create more troubles for the prime minister.”
Despite the criticism, Singh’s reforms triggered unprecedented economic growth. Even Vajpayee acknowledged that the liberalization during Rao’s tenure finished the Congress politically but set the stage for India’s economic rise.
By the 2000s, India had a burgeoning middle class, benefiting from the policies Singh had introduced a decade earlier.
Except for the river-linking project, Manmohan Singh pursued these issues with notable progress, especially in peace talks with Pakistan, which reached a stage where it seemed the long-standing Kashmir dispute was close to resolution.
Golden Era of Modern India
When the BJP-led government under Atal Bihari Vajpayee was unexpectedly defeated in 2004, it was clear that Sonia Gandhi, leading the Congress and the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), would become Prime Minister.
She even staked her claim to form the government with President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam. However, in a surprising turn during the Congress Parliamentary Party meeting in the Central Hall of Parliament, she proposed Manmohan Singh’s name for the position of Prime Minister.
Manmohan Singh’s first five years as Prime Minister were undeniably a golden era for modern India. Landmark social legislation such as the Right to Information Act, the National Rural Health Mission, and the Rural Employment Guarantee Act were enacted during this time. For Muslims, the Justice Rajinder Sachar Committee was formed to assess their socio-economic conditions, presenting a plethora of recommendations.
However, the second term of his tenure was mired in controversies and disappointments.
It is said that after his defeat, outgoing Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee requested the new government to continue four of his key projects: a strategic partnership with the U.S., peace talks with Pakistan, the interlinking of rivers, and the development of the North-South and East-West highways.
Except for the river-linking project, Manmohan Singh pursued these issues with notable progress, especially in peace talks with Pakistan, which reached a stage where it seemed the long-standing Kashmir dispute was close to resolution.
During his tenure, Manmohan Singh held 117 press conferences, answering sharp questions, in stark contrast to his successor, Narendra Modi, who has avoided press conferences during his tenure. Singh also regularly held off-record breakfast meetings with editors, publishers, and TV anchors, fostering open communication.
Sonia Gandhi respected Singh’s autonomy during his first term, refraining from interfering in governance or meeting ministers directly. She directed them to consult the Prime Minister, a practice that reinforced Singh’s authority.
However, in his second term, the dynamics changed as Sonia began focusing on grooming her son, Rahul Gandhi, for leadership, often prioritizing his future over Singh’s independence.
According to his daughter Daman Singh, his first visit was in 1968 to meet renowned economist Mahboob ul Haq. During this visit, he also went to Panja Sahib Gurdwara, where he had been named as an infant.
Pakistan Visits
During his last press conference in 2014 ahead of the general elections, Singh regretted not travelling to Pakistan to sign the peace accord. But people know that he has visited Pakistan twice.
According to his daughter Daman Singh, his first visit was in 1968 to meet renowned economist Mahboob ul Haq. During this visit, he also went to Panja Sahib Gurdwara, where he had been named as an infant.
He also visited Karachi at the invitation of his classmates in London Sohail Lahri and his wife Yasmin Lahri.
He also visited Islamabad in 1984 to attend a meeting of governors of central banks of Asia and went to Rawalpindi to purchase some Urdu books.
“The shopkeeper seeing my headgear and learning I am from India, refused payment,” Singh frequently recalled.
On that evening a mob descended on his Ashok Vihar flat and threatened to set it ablaze.
Blue Star and Anti-Sikh riots
Despite being Governor of the Reserve Bank of India, the year 1984 was a deeply challenging time for Manmohan Singh, as it was for many in the Sikh community.
A close relative of his wife Gursharan Kaur was detained during Operation Blue Star. She was accused of firing at the military during the siege of the Golden Temple. Without substantial evidence or due process, she was sent to Jodhpur jail, where she remained imprisoned for four to five years.
During her incarceration, she suffered significant hardships. Her young child, barely a year old, was left at the mercy of relatives and yearned for the presence of its mother.
The family made repeated appeals to the authorities for her release, with Gursharan Kaur personally seeking intervention from then-Home Minister Buta Singh.
Despite their efforts, the legal process moved at a painfully slow pace, and by the time she was released, she had endured irreversible physical and emotional scars, including the loss of sight in one eye.
Following Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's assassination, the nation descended into chaos, and anti-Sikh riots erupted across India. Sikhs were systematically targeted in cities like Delhi, Kanpur, and others. The violence claimed thousands of lives and destroyed countless Sikh-owned properties.
According to Daman Singh, a relative in Dehradun lost their petrol pump to arson, while another relative in Kanpur had their home and shop burned down.
Even Singh himself was not spared. As Governor of the Reserve Bank of India, he flew to New Delhi from Mumbai to offer last respects to the departed prime minister, who had been assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards.
After paying respect at Teen Murti House, he went to his home at Ashok Vihar and invited daughter Upinder Singh and son-in-law Vijay Tankha to stay with him, as he had arrived in the city alone, leaving his wife and other members of the family in Mumbai.
On that evening a mob descended on his Ashok Vihar flat and threatened to set it ablaze.
Tankha, who was present at the house, managed to persuade the mob that the house no longer belonged to a Sikh. He fabricated a story, claiming that the property had been sold to him, and he was a Hindu. Astonishingly, a neighbour, who happened to be a pandit, was part of the mob and pointed out the house as belonging to a Sikh.
The situation was dire, and Singh had to be secretly escorted out of their home under the cover of darkness and taken to the airport, from where he returned to Mumbai the next morning, resuming his duties at the Reserve Bank of India’s headquarters.
Singh’s ability to compartmentalize his grief and responsibilities spoke volumes about his resilience. He seldom spoke about these personal tragedies publicly, choosing instead to focus on his work.
Dixit responded, “He (Narayanan) has never even worked as a police officer; he merely intimidated people with his files.”
An Accidental PM & NSA
Despite Sonia Gandhi backing him fully in the first tenure, other Congress leaders often felt uneasy around him. He had appointed J.N. Dixit as National Security Advisor, but Congress party leaders were lobbying for former Intelligence Bureau chief M.K. Narayanan for the position.
A compromise was reached where Dixit was made the external security advisor and Narayanan the internal security advisor. However, tensions between the two frequently surfaced, even in the presence of the Prime Minister.
During one sensitive meeting, Narayanan remarked to Dixit, “You are a diplomat who knows much about the world but little about India.” Dixit responded, “He (Narayanan) has never even worked as a police officer; he merely intimidated people with his files.” Narayanan, who spent most of his career in the Intelligence Bureau, lacked field experience.
Dixit passed away in January 2005, and the post eventually went entirely to Narayanan, who, until 2009, consistently created hurdles in Dr. Manmohan Singh’s peace efforts with Pakistan.
Turning around, I saw it was Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. He asked me to sit, joined me, and remarked, “We have not lost hope for Kashmir.”
Kashmir Initiatives of Singh
In 2009, I accompanied Dr Singh to Russia's Yekaterinburg for the first BRICS summit and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) meeting as part of the media delegation.
During the return flight, a press conference was scheduled. At the time, Kashmir was gripped with anger over the alleged rape and murder of two women, Asiya and Neelofar, in the town of Shopian.
Omar Abdullah, newly appointed as Chief Minister with Congress support, had exacerbated the situation due to his inexperience. I posed a question to Dr. Singh about this incident. While he responded, it seemed unsatisfactory to many.
As the press conference ended as I was packing my tape recorder and notebook into the bag and placing it in the overhead compartment, someone tapped me on the shoulder.
Turning around, I saw it was Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. He asked me to sit, joined me, and remarked, “We have not lost hope for Kashmir.”
During this trip, in the presence of the media, he had openly criticized Pakistan’s President Asif Zardari. Soon, officials and media personnel gathered around our seats. After a few minutes, Dr. Singh returned to his cabin. The next day, this became front-page news in The Hindu and other newspapers.
In November 2004, Dr. Singh planned his first official visit to Jammu and Kashmir. He had returned from a fruitful meeting with President Musharraf in New York in September 2004, feeling that it was time for a new initiative on Kashmir.
Addressing students and faculty at the Sher-i-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences, he spoke of his vision for a “New Kashmir,” free from fear of war and exploitation, calling for a fresh blueprint for the region and its people.
The speech was drafted by J.N. Dixit and Amitabh Mattoo, then Vice-Chancellor of Jammu University. The launch of the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service was a major confidence-building measure.
Before his third meeting with Musharraf in September 2005, Dr Singh wanted to engage with Kashmir's leaders and social activists. In the first meeting, he invited former Home Secretary K. Subrahmanyam, N.N. Vohra (the government’s special representative on Jammu and Kashmir), journalists B.G. Verghese, Manoj Joshi, Bharat Bhushan, Kashmiri economist Haseeb Drabu, and Amitabh Mattoo.
Narayanan was displeased with this meeting.
Dr. Singh appreciated Subrahmanyam’s suggestion for a roundtable conference on Jammu and Kashmir's future. The first such conference was held on February 25, 2006, before the budget session, with nearly 90 participants. Dr. Singh attended the entire nine-hour-long conference and took notes.
After addressing various points raised by the members during the debate, he announced that he had decided to invite President Musharraf to India to watch a cricket match between the two teams.
Pakistan Outreach
In September 2004, ahead of his meeting with President Pervez Musharraf, Dr. Singh announced a unilateral relaxation of visa policies for Pakistani academics, traders, and senior citizens to create a conducive atmosphere.
During an off-the-record conversation with journalist Jonathan Power in May 2004, shortly after assuming office, Dr. Singh had emphasized that the Indian establishment was open to any scenario that excluded secession. He advocated for making borders so irrelevant that they would cease to matter.
In early 2005, Musharraf expressed his desire to watch the India-Pakistan cricket match in Delhi. Though Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran aligned with Dr. Singh’s foreign policy vision, he shared Narayanan’s hardline stance on Pakistan.
Dr. Singh asked Saran to draft an invitation letter to Musharraf, but Saran hesitated, likely influenced by Narayanan. Dr. Singh quickly recognized this reluctance.
The next morning, Dr. Manmohan Singh was scheduled to respond to a parliamentary debate in the Lok Sabha. After addressing various points raised by the members during the debate, he announced that he had decided to invite President Musharraf to India to watch a cricket match between the two teams.
"I sincerely wish that the people of our neighbouring country and their leaders feel free to meet us whenever they want. Whether it’s to watch a cricket match, do some shopping, or meet friends and family, India takes pride in being an open society and an open economy. I hope that President Musharraf and his family will enjoy their visit to our country," he said.
In the officials' gallery, everyone, including Narayanan and Saran, was stunned. Upon returning to the office, they had to draft the invitation.
Similarly, before the launch of the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service, Narayanan again tried to stop the initiative. A day before its commencement on April 7, 2005, militants attacked the state tourism office in Srinagar, from where the bus service was to start.
By the end of the day, national security and intelligence agencies were advising the Prime Minister to cancel his visit to Srinagar the next morning. The final review meeting ended at 9 p.m., where the Prime Minister was once again advised to call off his trip. Almost everyone had left the room when Dr Singh sat deep in thought, his face reflecting anger and concern.
Suddenly, he stood up and said, “I will go!” The officials were called back as he left the room. Dr. Singh called Sonia Gandhi to inform her of his decision to visit Srinagar. She supported his decision and said she would accompany him.
The next morning, amidst tight security, both departed for Srinagar and flagged off the first bus.
In October 2005, a series of bomb blasts shook Delhi, targeting crowded markets in Sarojini Nagar and Paharganj. Each time there was a disruption, Dr. Singh picked up the threads and, after a reasonable pause, moved forward. Perhaps he was aware of the forces determined to derail progress.
In April 2005, after watching a cricket match at Delhi's Feroz Shah Kotla ground, Musharraf came to Hyderabad House for formal talks with Dr. Singh.
"Dr. Sahib, if you and I decide, we can resolve all our disputes before lunch and then return to watch the match," Musharraf remarked.
Dr. Singh replied, “General Sahib, you are a soldier and younger than me, but my age does not permit me to do so.”
During Lambah’s meetings with Tariq Aziz, Musharraf’s appointed officer, they agreed on several steps, starting with reducing the Line of Control to just a line on a map.
Roadmap For Kashmir
Over the next two years, Musharraf outlined a roadmap to resolve the Kashmir issue based on Dr Singh’s formula, centred on making borders irrelevant without altering them. He chose former diplomat Satinder Lambah for back-channel negotiations.
Lambah’s meetings with Musharraf were undocumented, aided by Dr Singh’s personal secretary, Jaideep Sarkar, who took notes during discussions.
Whenever Jaideep reported being unwell or said he was helping his son prepare for exams, staff at the PMO knew he was on a trip with Lambah. During Lambah’s meetings with Tariq Aziz, Musharraf’s appointed officer, they agreed on several steps, starting with reducing the Line of Control to just a line on a map.
This included facilitating free travel and trade and restoring the pre-Partition era for Kashmiris to travel easily between regions. The second step was strengthening local autonomy on both sides of the LoC, enabling people to elect their governments under international supervision, if necessary.
The third, and most challenging, step involved creating joint or cooperative institutions under Kashmiri leadership to coordinate policies on matters of common interest. Everything except foreign policy and defence would be managed locally or jointly.
The fourth and final element of the peace formula was the mutual withdrawal of troops on both sides.
In June 2005, Dr Singh visited the Siachen Glacier, declaring that it should become a symbol of peace rather than conflict and a starting point for confidence-building.
Siachen Initiative
In June 2005, Dr Singh visited the Siachen Glacier, declaring that it should become a symbol of peace rather than conflict and a starting point for confidence-building.
He believed he could win public opinion in India for this resolution, anticipating opposition only from the BJP. However, according to Sanjaya Baru, Dr Singh did not expect resistance from his own Congress Party.
Apart from Narayanan, Congress leaders such as Pranab Mukherjee and Defense Minister A.K. Antony were unhappy with the proposed agreement on Siachen.
In September 2006, a month before the Non-Aligned Movement summit in Havana, the Mumbai bombings of July 2006 had already infuriated Congress leaders over Dr Singh’s policy towards Pakistan.
In Havana, his meeting with Musharraf was set in a villa provided by Cuba. When Dr Singh received Musharraf and escorted him inside, the door was promptly closed, leaving Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Khurshid Kasuri and Narayanan outside.
According to Baru, Kasuri eventually calmed down and sat in a nearby room, but Narayanan paced nervously, muttering to himself. His discomfort was evident as he felt deliberately excluded from the meeting.
During the one-hour meeting, it was agreed to resolve the Siachen issue quickly and conduct a joint survey of Sir Creek and its adjacent areas. The survey was to begin in November 2006, with the aim of resolving these disputes within a year.
Ahmed Patel’s opposition proved to be a decisive blow to the peace efforts with Pakistan. Shortly afterwards, Pakistan became embroiled in internal unrest due to the lawyers’ agitation against Musharraf.
Siachen Negotiations
In February 2007, when Pakistan's Secretary of Defence, Tariq Wasim Ghazi, arrived in Delhi to sign an agreement, the Election Commission had announced provincial assembly elections for Uttar Pradesh, the largest state, just days earlier. On the eve of the negotiations, the Congress Working Committee, the party's top decision-making body, held a meeting at Sonia Gandhi’s residence to finalize candidates for Uttar Pradesh.
During this meeting, Ahmed Patel, political advisor of Gandhi, took Manmohan Singh to task over the issue of the Siachen negotiations and the proposed withdrawal of troops, in Sonia Gandhi’s presence.
Those present at the meeting noted that Sonia Gandhi usually supported Manmohan Singh in such situations, but this time she remained silent. Patel warned Manmohan Singh that any agreement with Pakistan could result in significant electoral losses for the party in Uttar Pradesh.
As the meeting continued, news broke that General J.J. Singh, the Chief of Army Staff, while on a tour of the northeastern states, had publicly opposed the withdrawal of troops from Siachen. This was despite his earlier approval of the agreement during a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Security just a few days prior.
Ahmed Patel’s opposition proved to be a decisive blow to the peace efforts with Pakistan. Shortly afterwards, Pakistan became embroiled in internal unrest due to the lawyers’ agitation against Musharraf.
Congress insiders revealed that the party had given Manmohan Singh a choice: to build public consensus on either peace efforts with Pakistan or the nuclear deal with the United States, but not both. Manmohan Singh prioritized the nuclear deal.
When Congress achieved a decisive victory in the 2009 elections, everybody knew it was due to Manmohan Singh. India’s middle class and beneficiaries of the rural employment law voted overwhelmingly for him.
Turning of Tide
The tide had now turned. Sonia Gandhi, who since 2004 had consistently supported and encouraged Dr. Singh while refraining from interfering in government affairs, was now focused on paving the way for her son, Rahul Gandhi. She avoided backing any initiative that could potentially hinder Rahul’s path to becoming Prime Minister.
In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, Manmohan Singh attempted to convince the party to field him from Amritsar. All political parties in Punjab, including the Akali Dal, rallied in his support. However, he was barred from contesting directly, ensuring he didn’t gain political strength that could challenge Rahul Gandhi in the future.
When Congress achieved a decisive victory in the 2009 elections, everybody knew it was due to Manmohan Singh. India’s middle class and beneficiaries of the rural employment law voted overwhelmingly for him.
Yet instead of celebrating this achievement, Congress viewed it as a potential threat to Rahul Gandhi. The sycophantic circles within the party tried to credit the victory to Rahul Gandhi, but the claim lacked credibility, as the metaphorical "head beneath the crown" was far too small to carry such a burden. Thus, this narrative failed to take root.
Singh had realized that he would face his Pakistan and Kashmir initiatives from the Opposition BJP. He was sure that since these initiatives were started by Vajpayee himself, the BJP would not have much to oppose and would finally settle down to own them up. But he had no idea, that severe opposition to these pathbreaking steps would come from his own party. He was not able to carry his own party along to support these initiatives.
Manmohan Singh's humility and patience were frequently misunderstood as weaknesses. His second tenure faced allegations of corruption, particularly regarding a report from the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) about supposed notional losses, which courts later dismissed.
Singh’s contributions to India’s economy and governance were transformative. His economic reforms in the 1990s laid the foundation for growth that bore fruit years later.
His efforts to build peace with Pakistan, though ultimately hindered by domestic politics and resistance within his party, demonstrated his commitment to diplomacy and reconciliation.
When his childhood classmate, Raja Muhammad Ali, came to Delhi and stayed at the NHPC Guest House, my journalistic instincts compelled me to visit once again. I wanted to find out who bore the expenses of his stay.
When his childhood classmate, Raja Muhammad Ali, came to Delhi and stayed at the NHPC Guest House, my journalistic instincts compelled me to visit once again. I wanted to find out who bore the expenses of his stay.
It was revealed that instructions had been given to send the bill not to the Prime Minister's House or office but directly to Manmohan Singh. He had paid it himself. The cost of his travel tickets had been covered by his eldest daughter.
Manmohan Singh belonged to the last line of Indian politicians who were born in Pakistan. Now, only Lal Kishen Advani remains among them.
With his passing, a void has been created, bringing to mind these verses by Shad Azimabadi:
Dhoondo Ge Agar Mulkon Mulkon
Milne Ke Nahin Nayaab Hain Hum
Search all the lands, you won’t find us;
We are the rare ones.
Tabeer Hai Jiski Hasrat-O-Gham
Aye Humnafaso Woh Khwaab Hain Hum
The embodiment of longing and sorrow,
O companions, we are that dream.
Aye Ahl-E-Zamana Qadr Karo
Nayaab Na Hon Kamyaab Hain Hum
O my contemporaries! Appreciate me for I am,
rare, if not elusive.
-----
Have you liked the news article?