A representational image of Eid-Ul-Adha. Photo/AI Generated ChatGPT
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The Knife’s True Edge: Lessons from Eid al-Adha for Global Peace

The festival’s essence of sacrifice can be a guiding principle for powers to relinquish ego and maximalist demands

Rao Farman Ali

In the rubble of Gaza, the smoke over southern Lebanon, the suburbs of Iran, and the diplomatic corridors of Islamabad, Eid al-Adha arrives this year as a blood-red question mark. The feast of sacrifice, commemorating Ibrahim's willingness to offer his son in obedience to God, lands amid a paused but unfinished catastrophe in Palestine, fragile ceasefires, and high-stakes mediation that could reshape the Middle East.

For over 72,000 souls lost in Gaza, with Israeli drones still humming over ‘ceasefire lines’ and the aftermath of strikes on Iranian leadership, the ritual slaughter of an animal feels both profoundly intimate and politically charged.

Eid al-Adha frames sacrifice not just as theology but as metaphor for what powers must relinquish: ego, proxies, maximalist demands. The knife cuts both ways - towards ritual piety or revolutionary self-examination. This Eid, the festival's deeper currents - unity, justice, the rejection of idolatry in all forms - are being invoked as tools for de-escalation in a region teetering on wider war. Whether this reclamation can transcend symbolism is the uncomfortable test of our time.

The Revolution of Ibrahim

To grasp why Eid al-Adha resonates so viscerally, one must revisit its foundations through lenses that challenge passive piety. The Iranian sociologist Ali Shariati, whose work animated the 1979 Revolution, rejected Hajj and sacrifice as mere obedience of tradition. In his seminal Hajj, he framed the pilgrimage as "man's evolution towards Allah"—a rebellion against tyranny and internal corruption.

Ibrahim, for Shariati, was no quiet submissive. He shattered Babylon's idols, confronted Nimrod, and endured fire for his convictions. The command to sacrifice Ismail was not an end but a test: the willingness to surrender what one loves most for a higher covenant. The slaughtered animal is a substitute, a reminder. True Qurbani, Shariati argued, is the slaying of the nafs al-ammara (the ego-driven self) with its greed, tribalism, and hunger for power.

The relevance is explosive. In an era of proxy wars and sectarian fragmentation, Shariati's call demands leaders confront internal idols: authoritarianism, Gulf wealth-hoarding amid regional suffering, the prioritisation of narrow state interests over solidarity. As blood spills in the streets of Gaza, Lebanon and elsewhere, invoking Pablo Neruda's haunting words - "Come and see the blood in the streets, Come and see, The blood in the streets!" – it becomes all the more an imperative.

Islamic jurisprudence distinguishes textual sources, historical precedent, and contemporary hermeneutics, with central focus on jus in bello (conduct in war) versus jus ad bellum (just cause in war), addressing concerns of proportionality, civilian immunity, treaty obligation. Within this, Al-Azhar's Grand Imam Ahmed el-Tayeb offers a significant counter-narrative: classical just-war constraints derived from Qur'anic injunctions and prophetic tradition form an immutable ethics. War is permissible only defensively, proportionately, and in declared contexts.

El-Tayeb rejects takfirism (excommunication of Muslims) and offensive jihad as creedal distortions, positioning the sacred not as license for aggression but as restriction on it.

Reformers like Muhammad Abduh urged ijtihad (independent reasoning) in social affairs while preserving worship. Eid, in this view, invites rational reflection on solidarity and justice against intellectual stagnation. In real-time diplomacy, these philosophical currents are being wielded as weapons, or reclaimed.

The Diplomacy of the Knife

Pakistan, improbably, finds itself at the centre. As a nuclear-armed state with ties to both China and the West, longstanding relations with Iran, and leverage with the Trump administration, Islamabad has positioned itself as a key mediator between Washington and Tehran. The stakes are immense: Iran's nuclear programme edging towards weapons-grade thresholds, threats to close the Strait of Hormuz, and the risk of regional conflagration.

The subtext invoked by regional scholars is the Prophet's final sermon: "An Arab has no superiority over a non-Arab; a white has no superiority over a black." The conflict, in this framing, is not civilisational but a test of whether powers can sacrifice hegemonic ambitions for collective security, though Tehran squarely blames Washington for the hegemony in question.

Recent developments underscore the tightrope. The Trump-Xi Summit in Beijing produced a transactional trade framework, not a breakthrough. China linked cooperation to U.S. concessions on semiconductors and rare earths; both sides agreed to keep the Strait of Hormuz open. On Taiwan, talks addressed supply-chain stability, not policy. More broadly, China's influence continues to gain currency across Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and the Americas, shaping U.S.-Iran tensions and Global South alignments alike.

Meanwhile, Putin and Xi wrapped up Beijing talks without finalising a stalled natural gas pipeline, signing over twenty trade and technology agreements and a declaration backing a "multi-polar world order." Analysts note Beijing remains cautious—supporting Moscow without overaligning. For Putin, Chinese backing is vital for economic survival; for Xi, strategic restraint is the priority.

Elsewhere, Pakistan's delivery of a JF-17 Block III simulator to Dhaka signals quietly deepening defence ties. Russia's entry into Gwadar, linking INSTC to Pakistan's port for transshipment, was approved by Islamabad by February 2026, strengthening Eurasian connectivity. The BRICS Foreign Ministers' Meeting in New Delhi on 14–15 May, chaired by Jaishankar under the theme "BRICS@20," brought together founding and new members including Iran, Egypt, and the UAE, focusing on global governance reform, multilateralism, and West Asian tensions.

Pakistan Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Muneer's visit to Iran on May 22 has raised expectations of a major breakthrough. President Trump recently acknowledged a "very good chance" of a deal with Tehran, revealing he had postponed a planned military strike to allow talks to continue. Muneer's visit comes amid intensified mediation aimed at securing a ceasefire and advancing negotiations.

Islamabad-aligned analysts frame it theologically: "Ibrahim was willing to sacrifice his son - the dearest part of his life - for covenant with God. We ask Washington and Tehran: what are you willing to sacrifice? Ego? Proxies? Short-term dominance for long-term stability?" The Islamic jurisprudential principle of La Darar Wa La Dirar—no harm, nor reciprocating harm—is invoked alongside UN principles of equal security.

Yet skepticism abounds. Gulf states navigate complex security dilemmas with Iran. The OIC has drawn criticism for muted responses. For those in Gaza and Lebanon, high-level theology rings hollow against daily survival.

Gaza, Lebanon, and the Silence of the Sheep

Where Eid al-Adha is observed amid scarcity - Gaza, Lebanon, Iran - families who can secure an animal perform the rite as an act of Sumud: steadfastness and defiance of erasure. Fresh meat becomes a rare luxury where bombardment has devastated infrastructure. Qurbani distributions provide vital nutrition, but the symbolism weighs heavier—a public assertion of dignity against elimination.

Scholars cite Quran 22:37: "It is not their meat nor their blood that reaches Allah; it is your piety." Eid becomes, in this reading, a divine call to end genocidal impunity. In Iran, celebrations are restrained or limited amid conflict's tolls. The internal disunity of the Muslim world compounds the pain. Wealthy Gulf states prioritise narrow interests. Scholars lament the gap between ritual and ethics: the collective Qurbani of arrogance, occupation, and hoarding remains elusive.

South Asia's Parallel Shadows

The festival's peace-making potential extends to South Asia. Pakistan holds its position on Kashmir, batting for UN resolutions, self-determination, political and moral support for Kashmiris. India treats the region as integral territory, emphasising security threats.

Glimmers exist. Former RAW chief A.S. Dulat told BBC Urdu that India's attempts to isolate Pakistan have backfired, leaving India itself more isolated and making dialogue the only practical path. RSS General Secretary Dattatreya Hosabale advocated keeping a window open for dialogue and people-to-people engagement. Retired Army Chief General Manoj Naravane endorsed maintaining communication channels, calling it "the right thing."

Countering this, Indian Army Chief General Upendra Dwivedi warned Pakistan after the anniversary of Operation Sindoor - New Delhi's retaliatory strike on what it calls terror infrastructure in Pakistan - urging Islamabad to decide its future course. Pakistan launched Operation Bunyan-un-Marsoos in May 2025 as its own retaliatory response. Yet the broader consensus among analysts holds: dialogue remains the sole viable pathway. Unilateral action fuels cyclical escalation: mediation cultivates sustainable security. Pakistan's mediatory role in the U.S.-Iran theatre, even as it manages its eastern border, reflects this logic.

Beyond Zero-Sum: Collective Security

Speculation grows that a U.S-Israeli strike on Iran could accelerate new defence architectures - pacts among Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, Qatar and possibly Egypt - rooted not in ideology but in existential self-defence, per the UN Charter and Islamic principles of collective security. Such a bloc would reshape power from the Levant to South Asia. A defence pact already exists between Islamabad and Riyadh: despite serving as primary mediator in the Iran conflict, Pakistan deployed 8,000 troops, JF-17 jets, and an air defence system to Saudi Arabia on May 18, 2026.

Prophet Muhammad's final sermon demanded justice, protection of the weak, and forbade bloodshed based on identity. Solutions to Palestine, Lebanon, Iran and the core issues of South Asia require non-zero-sum logic: mutual recognition, land for peace, economic integration, and addressing root grievances with seriousness. Sustainable security rests on political will, not posturing. Pakistan's efforts, however imperfect, embody the truth that peace cannot be imposed by force.

The True Edge

As most of the Muslim families worldwide lift the knife on Eid al-Adha – distributing meat to the poor, gathering in prayer in the morning sun habitually in open places. The blood of the animal is not the point; piety, self-reform, and justice are. Until the “ego” drains from the body politic – arrogance of empire, occupation, sectarianism, greed – real blood will continue to flow in Gaza’s streets, Lebanon’s borders or such like areas  and potentially the Strait of Hormuz.

The Quran is unequivocal: God never asked for the blood of innocents. Eid challenges believers, leaders, and global powers alike to wield the knife against what truly divides humanity. In 2026’s precipice, with Trump-Xi understandings, Pakistani’s calculated shuttling, cautious Indian voices, and exhausted populations, the festival offers not naive pacifism but revolutionary realism; sacrifice the lesser self for collective survival.

Whether this spiritual-political synthesis can deliver durable ceasefires, reopen straits, or thaw sub-continental divides remains uncertain. Faith without works is hollow, as reformers remind us. Yet, in the shared stories of Ibrahim across Abrahamic traditions, and the universal longing for peace amid exhaustion, a slender opening exists.

This Eid, the knife’s true edge may yet carve pathways out of endless cycles. The question is whether those holding power – in Washington, Beijing, Moscow, New Delhi, Islamabad, Riyadh, Tehran, Ankara, London, Paris and beyond – possess the courage to make the required offering. The rubble and the rituals wait for an answer.

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